2024-03-29T10:02:09Z
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/oai
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4128
2017-01-02T16:19:01Z
PP:ART
"100101 2010 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Turska-Kawa, Agnieszka
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2010-01-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4128
Political Preferences; No 1 (2010): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4129
2017-12-16T12:04:50Z
PP:ART
"100101 2010 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Turska-Kawa, Agnieszka
University of Silesia in Katowice
Wojtasik, Waldemar
University of Silesia in Katowice
.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2010-01-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4129
Political Preferences; No 1 (2010): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4130
2017-01-02T16:19:01Z
PP:ART
"100101 2010 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Alberski, Robert
.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2010-01-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4130
Political Preferences; No 1 (2010): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4131
2017-01-02T16:19:01Z
PP:ART
"100101 2010 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Szwejkowski, Bartosz
.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2010-01-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4131
Political Preferences; No 1 (2010): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4132
2017-01-02T16:19:01Z
PP:ART
"100101 2010 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Peszyński, Wojciech
.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2010-01-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4132
Political Preferences; No 1 (2010): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4133
2017-01-02T16:19:01Z
PP:ART
"100101 2010 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Wichura, Jarosław
.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2010-01-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4133
Political Preferences; No 1 (2010): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4134
2017-01-02T16:19:01Z
PP:ART
"100101 2010 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Turska-Kawa, Agnieszka
.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2010-01-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4134
Political Preferences; No 1 (2010): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4135
2017-01-02T16:19:01Z
PP:ART
"100101 2010 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Turska-Kawa, Agnieszka
Wojtasik, Waldemar
.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2010-01-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4135
Political Preferences; No 1 (2010): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4136
2017-01-02T16:19:01Z
PP:ART
"100101 2010 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Karnowska, Danuta
.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2010-01-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4136
Political Preferences; No 1 (2010): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4137
2017-01-02T16:19:01Z
PP:ART
"100101 2010 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Wojtasik, Waldemar
.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2010-01-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4137
Political Preferences; No 1 (2010): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4138
2017-01-02T16:19:01Z
PP:ART
"100101 2010 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Stecyk, Krzysztof
Okrzesik, Janusz
.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2010-01-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4138
Political Preferences; No 1 (2010): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4139
2017-01-02T16:19:01Z
PP:ART
"100101 2010 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Okraska, Tomasz
.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2010-01-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4139
Political Preferences; No 1 (2010): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4140
2017-01-02T16:19:01Z
PP:ART
"100101 2010 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Wolnicki, Jan
.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2010-01-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4140
Political Preferences; No 1 (2010): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4141
2017-01-02T16:19:01Z
PP:ART
"100101 2010 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Marzec, Magdalena
.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2010-01-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4141
Political Preferences; No 1 (2010): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4142
2017-01-02T16:19:01Z
PP:ART
"100101 2010 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Preferencje Polityczne, Redakcja
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2010-01-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4142
Political Preferences; No 1 (2010): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4143
2017-01-02T16:19:01Z
PP:ART
"100101 2010 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Preferencje Polityczne, Redakcja
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2010-01-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4143
Political Preferences; No 1 (2010): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4145
2017-01-02T16:18:25Z
PP:ART
"110101 2011 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Preferencje Polityczne, Redakcja
Wstęp
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2011-01-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4145
Political Preferences; No 2 (2011): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4146
2017-12-16T12:56:16Z
PP:ART
"110101 2011 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Zachowania wyborcze obywateli w 2010 roku
Turska-Kawa, Agnieszka
Wojtasik, Waldemar
Electoral behavior of citizens in 2010
The article presents the analysis of the socio-political context of the carried out project. It draws attention to the events of 2010 that have dynamised the political space, in particular, the Smolensk disaster of April 10, which changed the nature of political competition, not only by accelerating the date of the presidential elections, but mainly by depriving some of the par- ties of the natural candidates in the upcoming elections and leading politicians. This has left its mark on the presidential, but equally on the local elections.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2011-01-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4146
Political Preferences; No 2 (2011): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4147
2017-12-16T12:53:59Z
PP:ART
"110101 2011 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Jaruga, Kinga
Krawczyk, Żaneta
The attitude of the Poles towards the events taking place after the Smoleńsk plane crash in view of declared political preferences
The plane crash in Smolensk on April 10th 2010, which entailed the death of 96 represen- tatives flying to commemorate the victims of Katyń, brought the spectre of deep mourning to the whole country. The death of so many people from political, cultural and military environ- ments triggered unexpected reserves of social solidarity. The article is an attempt to present reality after the Smolensk plane crash. Its aim is to verify a thesis that the plane crash was used for political purposes. The analysis of the research material is going to determine to what extent political preferences are a factor influencing the views of the people surveyed concerning the decision to transfer the memorial cross planted outside the presidential palace in Warsaw as well as to bury the presidential couple in Wawel cathedral in Kraków. The issues raised in the article are going to be examined in three areas: the presidential election, the parliamentary election, the regional election.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2011-01-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4147
Political Preferences; No 2 (2011): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4148
2017-01-02T16:18:25Z
PP:ART
"110101 2011 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Marzec, Magdalena
Wichura, Jarosław
Political preferences and pre-election polls are interrelated. Analysis of the voice of socie- ty helps to plan rationally the future tasks and simultaneously analyze current problems, also social expectations. Although public opinion generally is perceived as acceptance or criticism of political action, but this survey and their analysis also points to a third state of indifference to politics. Often, the parties seek to reduce this third group and are communicating to a neutral or undecided voters, trying to enlarge the circle of its supporters. It is necessary to remember that public opinion is shaped by the information coming to its knowledge, and these may be subject of manipulation. It is believed that it is often manipulated by party leaders and the media. Conducive to this type of activity is the time of the election campaign, including a measure surveys of support for particular parties or candidates. Extre- mely important due to the influence of the media is the perception of fairness by the public. Analysis of the receipt of polls, assess the reliability and credibility of media sources is useful for specialists in PR and marketing franchise. The research allowed to extract some trends in the behavior of the electorate, which in view of their continuation can be very useful.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2011-01-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4148
Political Preferences; No 2 (2011): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4149
2017-01-02T16:18:25Z
PP:ART
"110101 2011 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Alberski, Robert
This part of the report discusses three questions, included in the questionnaire about electoral behavior during presidential and local elections in 2010. First question asks about the time, when the voter made his decision for which candidate he would vote for in the First round in the Presidential election. Second question is about the factors, that decide in choos- ing particular electoral committee in Local elections and third - about the problem of how big and stable is negative electorate of Polish political parties. As can be seen from presented data, majority of voters was sure of their political preferences long before the beginning of Presi- dential campaign and those, who made their decision during it, in most cases, in it's first phase. The mobility of Polish electorate is reduced, also because of the largeness and mutual pen- etration of negative electorate and effectiveness of political agitation is also limited. Because of that voters political preferences are relatively stable, despite the Smoleńsk Crash and in- creasingly intense competition of party elites.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2011-01-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4149
Political Preferences; No 2 (2011): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4150
2017-01-02T16:18:25Z
PP:ART
"110101 2011 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Karnowska, Danuta
After 1989, the Polish political scene clashed two traditions: individualism and commu- nity. They were a reflection of social trends and habits, whereas for the political parties beca- me the axis around which were decided the main dilemmas of the political system, economy and cultural sphere of the society.
Dilemmas of reconciling individualism with community trends were consistent with the presence of Catholic values in society, traditions and political culture. Along with the consolidation of democracy in Poland, became the determinant of political views and atti- tudes, thereby affecting the socio-political divisions in Poland.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2011-01-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4150
Political Preferences; No 2 (2011): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4151
2017-01-02T16:18:25Z
PP:ART
"110101 2011 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Kampka, Agnieszka
The research was aimed at answering two questions: which politicians' features, qualities and behaviours reinforce the civil support and which deliberative competences citizens have got.
The respondents regardless of their political preferences pointed to the same behaviours of politicians occupying the most important state posts. These were: constitutional duties, spe- cial accountability for words and frequent speaking in public. The majority of the respon- dents said that a politician should be able to defend his opinion, effectively carry out his ideas and at same time he should listen to others' ideas and understand the problems of ordinary men. The majority of those polled restricted themselves to radio, TV, Internet and printed media in passive rather active way. They use the media rather as a source of political knowledge than an instrument of public deliberation.
The research, concentrated on the communicative perspective of political power, showed that beliefs about the symbolism of power are shared by the majority of citizens regardless of their political views and choices.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2011-01-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4151
Political Preferences; No 2 (2011): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4152
2017-01-02T16:18:25Z
PP:ART
"110101 2011 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Pilch, Irena
Individual characteristics of voters and candidates assume greater importance in politi- cal discourse. Personality traits of voters become decisive for political choice. It is possible that people vote for candidates whose personality traits match their own traits. The main aim of the investigation was to test the relationship between voters' Machiavellianism and self-reported voting behavior in presidential and municipal elections in 2010, and between voters' Machiavellianism and voting preferences in national elections. The evidence confirms that Ma- chiavellianism is associated with voting and preferences for particular parties and candidates. There is a relationship between Machiavellianism and electorial participation.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2011-01-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4152
Political Preferences; No 2 (2011): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4153
2017-01-02T16:18:25Z
PP:ART
"110101 2011 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Turska-Kawa, Agnieszka
The five factor model of personality, so called "Big Five" of Paul T. Costa, and Robert R. McCrae is a valuable tool for researchers of individual differences, as it assumes the existence of supracultural and suprademographic and structurally most general personality dimensions, allowing for full and comprehensive characterization. The subject of the article are two factors of the "Big Five" model - openness to experien- ce and agreeableness. Given their characteristics and the analysis described in the literature on the research subject, the author assumed that the political preferences of individuals with varying levels of the analyzed factors will vary also. There will also be a difference in their political behavior in terms of political activity - passivity. Diagnosis of openness to experience and agreeableness was conducted based on the NEO-FFI Personality Inventory of Paul T. Costa and Robert R. McCrae in the Polish adaptation of Bogdan Zawadzki, Jan Strelau, Piotr Szcze- panik, and Magdalena Sliwinska.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2011-01-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4153
Political Preferences; No 2 (2011): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4154
2017-01-02T16:18:25Z
PP:ART
"110101 2011 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Tomczak, Łukasz
The article concerns the place of a leader In a party, their statutory competences and the vot- ers' evaluation of a party and its leader: is the present leader fulfilling their role in the expected way, would the leader change improve the voters' perception of the party, would they vote on the party if the present leader resigned. The leader position in a party is due to the respect which is given to the leader or to statute of the party. The research involves four biggest Polish Parties: Platformę Obywatelska RP, Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, Sojusz Lewicy demokratycznej and Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe.
The statute analyze proves that from voters' point of view the more powerful becomes and more competences gets a leader whose party is more on the right side of the parliament. despite the fact that the voters do not realize the formal side of the leadership, their evaluation of the party is combined with the scale of a leader's competences set in a party statute. The vot- ers' evaluations of leaders have confirmed the leader's formal basis, although the evaluations were more in respect to the personality and charisma. the right side parties leaders are evaluated as strong personalities by their own voters. in the research the vorters evaluated the leaderships of their parties in a respectably positive way and did not want to change them.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2011-01-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4154
Political Preferences; No 2 (2011): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4155
2017-01-02T16:18:25Z
PP:ART
"110101 2011 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Wojtasik, Waldemar
One of the basic features of a democratic state are cyclical and competitive elections. They are an instrument through which the ideas of political representation are implemented, while being also a factor of creation of various authorities. The specificity of the distribution of power in a democracy is founded on the causative position of the general elections, as a form of granting the most important powers to the institutions of the political system.
The present article text presents the results of research on the issue of the social significance of the various elections held in Poland and the factors influencing the perception of their importance. In the course of the study were revealed both the social preferences for the function of distribution of power and influence on the lives of citizens as the most important factors in the perception of the importance a given election. In the case of the least important elections, a key reason for such their perception was the location of the decision-making in other bodies of the political system than the one on which the opinions were expressed.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2011-01-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4155
Political Preferences; No 2 (2011): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4156
2017-01-02T16:18:25Z
PP:ART
"110101 2011 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Peszyński, Wojciech
In Polish election, based on proportional rule, "half-opened" candidates list system is ap- plied. Polish electors vote for parties (committees), but select also candidates within lists. This solution gives possibility to research election competition on personally level.
The material, which was collected through quantity research 'Political preferences 2010', shows that it is useful to research the determinants of election decisions of electorates voting for the most important Polish parties (PO, PiS, SLD and PSL). This article is connected with political behavior in Polish regional election (voivodeship sejmiks) in 2010. The main aim of this article is to answer the research question: Which of this aspects - parties or personas - have a bigger contribution to getting vote on concrete list of candidates?
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2011-01-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4156
Political Preferences; No 2 (2011): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4157
2017-01-02T16:18:25Z
PP:ART
"110101 2011 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Widera, Zbigniew
Selected elements of election marketing as a determinant of the decision of the electora- te during the electoral campaign.Voter deciding who cast his vote, is determined of different factors. They include both acquired value systems, the impact of the environment in which the voter is located as well as the political state of the market at the time of the election. It comes to e.g general and local socio - economic situation. Knowing, how detrminanes are shaping up electoral decision not only allows policy-makers respond appropriately to the needs of the electorate but also to streamline the techniques and instruments for electoral marketing.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2011-01-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4157
Political Preferences; No 2 (2011): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4158
2017-01-02T16:18:25Z
PP:ART
"110101 2011 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Liszkowska, Julia
The present article aims to describe the relationship between political preferences of voters in different types of Polish elections (local, parliamentary, presidential) or of citizens inactive in the elections and their opinion on the integration of Poland with the EU as positive or negative. The results are based on a poll carried out at the end of 2010. The voters were asked about the political parties and groups they support in different elections (or specific persons
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2011-01-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4158
Political Preferences; No 2 (2011): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4159
2017-01-02T16:18:25Z
PP:ART
"110101 2011 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Preferencje Polityczne, Redakcja
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2011-01-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4159
Political Preferences; No 2 (2011): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4160
2017-01-02T16:18:25Z
PP:ART
"110101 2011 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Preferencje Polityczne, Redakcja
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2011-01-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4160
Political Preferences; No 2 (2011): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4161
2017-01-02T16:18:25Z
PP:ART
"110101 2011 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Preferencje Polityczne, Redakcja
Aneks
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2011-01-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4161
Political Preferences; No 2 (2011): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4179
2017-01-02T16:22:05Z
PP:ART
"130101 2013 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Preferencje Polityczne, Redakcja
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2013-01-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4179
Political Preferences; No 4 (2013): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4180
2017-01-02T16:20:08Z
PP:ART
"130101 2013 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Hacek, Miro
After the collapse of the non-democratic regime in the early 1990s, pu- blic opinion surveys became important factor in the process of democratic de- cision-making. Author is analysing the results of public opinion surveys, which bring together data on the attitude of the general public towards democracy, (dis)satisfaction with the political situation and (dis)satisfaction with most im- portant political and administrative institutions with special emphasis given to the public's (dis)trust toward the rule of law. Based on the data obtained article allocates Slovenia's position compared to other established European demo- cracies as well as post-communist countries from Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) on the scale of the relationship of the dimensions of societal (dis)trust in political power.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2013-01-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4180
Political Preferences; No 4 (2013): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4181
2017-01-02T16:22:40Z
PP:ART
"130101 2013 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Wojtasik, Waldemar
Elections are a procedure typical for democratic systems, but also sys- tems which do not respect the principles of democracy often employ them. However, due to their different functional positioning, they fulfill various func- tions. The presented text is an attempt to present the most important functions performed by the elections in democratic systems. The adopted model of ge- neralization has allowed for separation of seven basic functions, present in all elections: delegation of political representation; selection of the political elite; legitimisation of those in power; control over authorities; political accountabi- lity; creation of political programmes; recreation of public opinion image.
The presented typology allows for its use both in different types of elec- tions (parliamentary, presidential, local, regional and European Parliament) as well as in relation to different electoral systems. The general nature of the de- scribed types of functions allows the separation of specific categories within its framework, but the objective of the present study has determined that the focus remains on the description and analysis of the presented types.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2013-01-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4181
Political Preferences; No 4 (2013): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4182
2017-01-02T16:23:25Z
PP:ART
"130101 2013 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Glajcar, Rafał
Poland held its first ever popular presidential election at the end of 1990. Since then four such elections have been held i.e. in 1995, 2000, 2005 and 2010. In the meantime the position of the president gradually evolved hence gi- ving rise to the question about which method for the election of the head of sta- te is most "appropriate". However, this issue was not an object of political de- liberation for the major Polish political parties of the last 20 years. Firstly, this resulted from the popularity of the presidential election within society, which was reflected in high turnouts (considering Polish reality). Secondly, especial- ly until the enactment of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 2 April 1997, no party wanted to run the risk of being accused of returning to the po- litical transition solutions adopted at the Round Table. Thirdly, until the be- ginning of 2010, the competition for the office of president was "reserved" for charismatic leaders or party leaders. lt was finally Donald Tusk, who decided not to contend for the presidential election of 2010 thus wanting to change the perception of the institution of president in the system of power and draw atten- tion and emphasize the role and the importance of a government with a strong (normatively and factually) prime minister as the leader.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2013-01-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4182
Political Preferences; No 4 (2013): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4183
2017-01-02T16:24:36Z
PP:ART
"130101 2013 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Kubas, Sebastian
The article presents Hungarian electorate's preferences in the time of transition and democratic consolidation beginning in 1990. The preferences are confrontated with results of parliamentary elections held in 1990, 1994, 1998, 2002, 2006 and 2010. Author tries to show how the left and right preference division developed on the basis of socioeconomic cleavages. The evolution of Hungarian electorate preferences has moved toward bidimensional "left - ri- ght" structure since the elections in 1998, yet first symptoms appeared in 1994 when post-socialis party MSzP won the elections. Since then only this party and rightist Fidesz were able to succeed and create Hungarian governments.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2013-01-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4183
Political Preferences; No 4 (2013): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4184
2017-01-02T16:25:53Z
PP:ART
"130101 2013 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Ticha, Karolina
The aim of the article is to identify cleavages that have been in Czech and Polish party system located since 1989. These cleavages are compared to determine the hierarchy and degree of their importance. It is also demonstrated the effort to determine the potential future development of the cleavages in the- se two countries.
In this article as key for the formation of cleavages are considered elections to the lower houses of parliament. Elections to the upper houses of parliament and European elections are not relevant for the purpose of this work, because they are considered as second-order elections, thus they have no direct impact on the formation of cleavages.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2013-01-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4184
Political Preferences; No 4 (2013): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4185
2017-01-02T16:27:04Z
PP:ART
"130101 2013 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Plecka, Danuta
Individualism, although inherently contrary to the spirit of collectivism, is the basis for the development of modern civic attitudes. For the most part, individualism determines the degree of interest in politics and the quality of de- mocracy. Individualism is also the basis for the development of civil society, as the unique characteristics of each individual impact the civil society dynamics, quality and impact on those in power.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2013-01-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4185
Political Preferences; No 4 (2013): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4186
2017-01-02T16:27:59Z
PP:ART
"130101 2013 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Pilch, Irena
Baran, Lidia
In recent years, there has been increasing interest in phenomenon of poor political activity among young adults, manifested in large percentage of non-voters and politically non-engaged individuals. The aim of this study was to examine the relationships between voting behaviour and political preferen- ces of young adults and their hierarchy of basic personal values, global subjec- tive happiness and evaluations of fair and unfair treatment in social exchange.
The results of the study indicate firstly, that the most important values were power, conformity and tradition, secondly, that the non-voters evaluated hedonism lower and security higher than the voters and thirdly, that value profiles for five groups of voters differed in preferences of conformity, tradi- tion, security and hedonism. There were no significant differences between voters and non-voters in respect of global subjective happiness and evalu- ations of fair and unfair treatment. However, significant differences in these variables occured between electorates of specified political parties. The fin- dings of the current research provide a psychological characteristic of young adults in terms of basic values, subjective happiness and perception of unfa- irness, allowing also to identify some of the possible indicators of poor poli- tical activity in this group.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2013-01-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4186
Political Preferences; No 4 (2013): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4187
2017-01-02T16:27:21Z
PP:ART
"130101 2013 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Turska-Kawa, Agnieszka
We live in the twenty-first century, which witnessed by far the most intensive marketing of politics, and traditional approaches (The Great Man Theory, situational, relational) to the process of emergence of political le- adership are simply not enough. Cooperation between leaders and their follo- wers is determined by cultural and social context, specific political situation of the time, patterns of social behavior. Development of new information technologies and dissemination of the means of mass communication have introduced another factor to the analyzed process, forced by civilisational changes. These changes initiated the processes shaping the emergence of a fo- urth approach to political leadership, which we may call reactive. Reactivity is an active process of management of the changing image of the leader, responding to the evolving social preferences, and subsequently dissemina- ted through the media.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2013-01-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4187
Political Preferences; No 4 (2013): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4188
2017-01-02T16:27:35Z
PP:ART
"130101 2013 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Doliński, Dariusz
Wiszniowski, Robert
The present paper presents various social influence techniques - practices aimed at increasing the likelihood that people will comply with requests, persuasion and suggestion they are addressed with. It describes sequential tech- niques (foot-in-the-door, door-in-the-face, foot-in-the-face, low ball) as well as techniques based on cognitive mechanisms (that's not all, even a penny helps, dialogue involvement) or on emotional mechanisms (induction of guilt, embarrassment, fear-then-relief). The paper also presents examples of using the above mentioned techniques with special focus on some which were taken from political life.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2013-01-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4188
Political Preferences; No 4 (2013): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4189
2017-01-02T16:28:24Z
PP:ART
"130101 2013 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Seklecka, Aleksandra
The article is focused on analysis the manner of presentation of data considering the electoral campaign in major information services during par- liamentary campaign in Poland in 2011. This concerns the kinds of the subjects presented, the choice of context, politicians' statements and the comment. An important question is whether we deal with a uniform image of the campaign or whether this image is different for particular stations. For that reason, what was investigated were the evening emissions of news bulletins of the most popular television stations, that is TVN („Fakty"), Polsat („Wydarzenia") as a private television and TVP 1 (,,Wiadomości) as public television.
The article consist of five most important parts: subUects, where author analyze key issues of particular campaign; pictures where are presented images accompanying main issues; faces, which are focused on main actors of campa- ign; and finally role of Uournalists who present information.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2013-01-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4189
Political Preferences; No 4 (2013): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4190
2017-01-02T16:28:40Z
PP:ART
"130101 2013 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Pravdova, Hana
The study primarily deals with the influence of media on perception of political subject agendas by the media audience. It will concentrate on the stra- tegy of political subUects whose utmost obUective is to provoke the specific ef- fect - to draw attention of media and recipients and to force them to pay atten- tion to their agendas. It underlines the practices of political subjects in gaining influence on media as well as on the public by offering their own agendas. lt also deals with the role and procedures of media in interpreting political scan- dals and creating atmosphere in the framework of receiving the events by the target audience.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2013-01-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4190
Political Preferences; No 4 (2013): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4191
2017-01-02T16:28:57Z
PP:ART
"130101 2013 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Kasińska-Metryka, Agnieszka
The purpose of the article was to show the problem of female electoral activity in Poland. This subUect fits into a current debate on the participation of women in political systems and its limitations. There are many obstacles that prevent women from political participation and their influence is still rather symbolic then real. The source of this situation is also historical and social. Moreover, young democracies are at greater risk of "marketing pathology" be- cause their institutional mechanisms are not built on the foundations of civil society. The perception of politics differs among men and women, but this is mainly due to exogenous factors. Political marketing as a set of tools in the same range can affect men and women, although the differences appear at the level of self-creation of image, choice of strategy and the style of ruling after winning an election.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2013-01-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4191
Political Preferences; No 4 (2013): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4192
2017-01-02T16:29:29Z
PP:ART
"130101 2013 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Astramowicz-Leyk, Teresa
Witold Zygmunt Kulerski was one of the closest associates of the Prime Minister of Polish government in exile Stanisław MikołaUczyk. During World War ll he was one of the closest collaborators of Stanislaw MikołaUczyk- Office of the Vice-President of the National Council of the Republic of Poland, Deputy Prime Minister and Prime Minister of the Polish government in exile.
Kulerski's commission devoted much attention to the affairs of Germany. This issue has been leading in international affairs, it is no wonder that Congress PSL lot of space devoted to it. Speaker stressed that the People's Movement du- ring its period of organizational and ideological took the view that the main "(...) the objective must be to secure Polish and Slavic world securing the ag- gressive spirit of the German".
Kulerski's commission expressed concern due to the lack of activity of the Polish government to sign agreements and treaties of trade and economic with other countries than the Soviet Union. The committee members in their speeches stressed that in many areas of trade and international agreements are being overtaken by other countries and are overlooked in transactions due to insufficient activity of the Polish Government.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2013-01-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4192
Political Preferences; No 4 (2013): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4193
2017-01-02T16:29:48Z
PP:ART
"130101 2013 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Widera, Zbigniew
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2013-01-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4193
Political Preferences; No 4 (2013): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4194
2017-01-02T16:30:08Z
PP:ART
"130101 2013 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Preferencje Polityczne, Redakcja
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2013-01-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4194
Political Preferences; No 4 (2013): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4196
2017-01-02T16:15:45Z
PP:ART
"130701 2013 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Preferencje Polityczne, Redakcja
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2013-07-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4196
Political Preferences; No 6 (2013): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4197
2017-01-02T16:15:45Z
PP:ART
"130701 2013 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Antoszewski, Andrzej
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2013-07-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4197
Political Preferences; No 6 (2013): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4198
2017-01-02T16:15:45Z
PP:ART
"130701 2013 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Solarz, Radosław
Poles comparatively low political activity, continued from the first competitive parliamentary election in 1991, leads to take a reflection of the voters perception of politics and political parties. The article focus on the percep- tion of political parties in Poland and the Poles' attitude to politics. Research has shown that the political sphere of democratic Poland separates from the social life. The activities of political parties, political conflicts and their solutions, are a phenomena that the majority of Poles do not care about. Polish political institutions and democratic procedures act in a specific social void. Poles political behavior (especially the voters one), in the period of democratic system, is characterized by high level of ritualism. This method of adaptation of the citizens of Poland to the democratic political system leads to low level of trust in political institutions.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2013-07-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4198
Political Preferences; No 6 (2013): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4199
2017-01-02T16:15:45Z
PP:ART
"130701 2013 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Alberski, Robert
This part of the report describes two problems: evaluation of the activi- ties of reeves, mayors and presidents of cities and the problem of representing the interests of the residents by local governments. In a survey conducted in late 2012, we decided to verify two hypotheses. By the first, trust in local government results from the positive evaluation of reeves, mayors and presidents of cities activities. Second hypothesis assumes that trust is founded by the belief of the local community members, that the local governments represent their interests. The results indicate that the majority of the respondents are restra- inedly satisfied with the activities of their reeves, mayors and presidents of cities. However, the majority of respondents said that local governments do not represent their interests.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2013-07-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4199
Political Preferences; No 6 (2013): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4200
2017-01-02T16:15:45Z
PP:ART
"130701 2013 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Łukasik-Turecka, Agnieszka
The research carried out allowed to look at social assessment of both already implemented statutory quotas and the proposed gender parity on electoral lists. The findings of the research showed that over half of the surveyed left-wing political party-in-the-electorate acknowledged the implementation of statutory quotas as reasonable and the proposal of introducing gender parity on the electoral lists as worth-implementing (Palikot's Movement - 42.2% and Democratic Left Alliance - 37.9%). Among the Civic Platform and Polish People's Party adherents a substantial percentage are the adherents of quotas rather than gender parity (Civic Platform - 44.1% and 38.9% respectively, Polish People's Party - 48.7% i 34.2% respectively) but there are substantially fewer adversaries of this solution. At the same time among the adversaries of Law and Justice only 35.6% acknowledge the solution implemented as reasonable whereas only 35.5% consider the proposal for introducing gender parity as worth-implementing. Nevertheless the percentage of adversaries of such solutions is even smaller - in the case of quotas it is 28.1% and in the case of gender parity - 35.1%. The rest of the Law and Justice adversaries do not have an opinion on this issue. The division into adherents and adversaries of the decision about implementing statutory quotas or proposals for gender parity with reference to ideological views is even clearer. Among the respondents expressing their views as left- wing more than half of them acknowledge the implementation of quotas as reasonable (51%) and 38.5% consider the propo- sals for gender parity as worth- implementing. 48% of the persons sympathising with the centre were in favour of quotas, while 34% were for gender parity. On the other hand among the respondents defining their views as right-wing only 31.8% acknowledged the implementation of statutory quotas as reasonable whereas 29.8% considered the proposal for gender parity as worth-implementing. It is worth-emphasising that irrespective of political sympathies the respondents assess the implemented statutory quotas much favourably than the proposal for implementing gender parity on electoral lists.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2013-07-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4200
Political Preferences; No 6 (2013): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4201
2017-01-02T16:15:45Z
PP:ART
"130701 2013 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Tomczak, Łukasz
The article refers to the ratio of voters to choose the method and scope of leaders authority in the Polish political parties such as the Law and Justice party, Civic Platform, Polish Peasant Party, Palikot's Movement and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD). Most party leaders are elected by indirect suffrage. From the test batches only the leader of SLD had been once directly selected. The majority of respondents (both left-wing, right-wing and centrist) supported the idea of direct selection. However more often, a direct dial is in favor of left-wing voters. The scope of formal power increases with the leaders of the party from the left to the right point of the political spectrum. The subjects were different approach to the scope of authority of leaders. More left-wing voters were in favor of limiting their rights, right-wing supporters were often in favor of making authority leaders stronger. Internal regulations of the studied formations correspond to the expectations of voters as to the extent of its formal powers. However, differ as to the expected pattern of choice.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2013-07-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4201
Political Preferences; No 6 (2013): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4202
2017-01-02T16:15:45Z
PP:ART
"130701 2013 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Peszyński, Wojciech
It is the first time when the edition of social research 'Political Preference', was carried in a year without election. It determines certain electoral attitudes, because the mass media do not influence society and voters do not take tactical decision. In consequence, the results of this research are different from the ones during real election, because these decisions have to be treated like potential ones. The author decided to continue research, which began in 2010. Therefore, electorate behavior could be compared between campaign period and 'off year election'. Apart from party leaders influencing the campaign, this article includes research results concerning television debate. Both problems are the main components of presidentialization. In the first issue prominent majority of questioned chose the party ideology as the main determinant of potential deci- sions. This conclusion is different from the previous research. This can be the main information in explaining political phenomena or processes. However, what is needed here is an appropriate distance, because in this survey the author changed answers rotation. Apart from that we have to remember about research period - 'off year election'. Although television debates have not been perma- nent component all campaigns, Polish electorate supports this idea. Over 78 per cent of researches would like to organize a debate between two main parties leaders before every elections. However, we cannot look foreword to lead this idea in the Election Code, because neither society nor politicians will insist on institutionalizing this idea.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2013-07-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4202
Political Preferences; No 6 (2013): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4203
2017-01-02T16:15:45Z
PP:ART
"130701 2013 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Tybuchowska-Hartińska, Karolina
The presented analysis related to the Polish specificity of preferences in economic voting and to the dynamics of relations between economic situation and political assessment. The analyzed studies show clearly that voters take into account the economic situation in the country irrespective of supporting a parti- cular party - 'definitely yes' or 'rather yes'(from 75% for Palikot Movement to 79% for PSL). The issue is less important to those respondents who declare elec- toral absenteeism (60,4%). When considering economic program of a candidate or a political party, this is the electorate of the Democratic Left Alliance who definitely pay to it a lot of attention (87,1%). Regardless of declared ideolo- gical views and a party support, the respon- dents pay more attention to the economic program of a candidate/ a party than to the condition of the national economy, and it especially refers to those voters who declare themselves as right wingers (the left +5,7%; the centre +4,3; the right +9%). To sum up, it can be stated that regardless of an adopted criterion (of elec- torates of particular parties or ideological views), about % of the voters declare taking into account the economic situation of the country or the economic program of a candidate / a political party as the factor which has an impact on their votes.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2013-07-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4203
Political Preferences; No 6 (2013): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4204
2017-01-02T16:15:45Z
PP:ART
"130701 2013 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Wojtasik, Waldemar
Research on economic voting in Poland have been carried out from the beginning of the democratic transformation, focusing on isolating and testing of the transition model specific to the countries of Central Europe. Its differen- tiating feature is a novel way of simultaneously joining the retrospective and prospective motivations in the behavior of voters, compared to the conven- tional model present in consolidated democracies. The purpose of the present article is to attempt to determine the relationship between the two types of elec- toral motivations identified above in the parliamentary elections, starting with the election of 1991 and ending with the 2011 elections. Based on analysis and constructive criticism of findings of other researchers and own research, the presented paper evidences that the validity of applying the transitional model in the study of economic voting in Poland has been exhausted, as the prospective motivation is nowadays predominant in the decisions of voters.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2013-07-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4204
Political Preferences; No 6 (2013): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4205
2017-01-02T16:15:45Z
PP:ART
"130701 2013 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Stelmach, Katarzyna
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2013-07-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4205
Political Preferences; No 6 (2013): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4206
2017-01-02T16:15:45Z
PP:ART
"130701 2013 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Podgórska-Rykała, Joanna
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2013-07-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4206
Political Preferences; No 6 (2013): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4207
2017-01-02T16:15:45Z
PP:ART
"130701 2013 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Osmólska, Zuzanna
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2013-07-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4207
Political Preferences; No 6 (2013): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4208
2017-01-02T16:15:45Z
PP:ART
"130701 2013 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Kobielska, Katarzyna
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2013-07-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4208
Political Preferences; No 6 (2013): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4209
2017-01-02T16:15:45Z
PP:ART
"130701 2013 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Preferencje Polityczne, Redakcja
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2013-07-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4209
Political Preferences; No 6 (2013): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4210
2017-01-02T16:15:45Z
PP:ART
"130701 2013 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Preferencje Polityczne, Redakcja
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2013-07-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4210
Political Preferences; No 6 (2013): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4212
2017-01-02T16:16:35Z
PP:ART
"100101 2010 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Preferencje Polityczne, Redakcja
wstęp
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2013-03-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4212
Political Preferences; No 5 (2013): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4213
2017-01-02T16:16:35Z
PP:ART
"130301 2013 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Pilch, Irena
The aim of this study was to compare personality profiles of groups of voters varying in ideological and political preferences. A six-dimensional model of personality (HEXACO) and lexical approach to the study of personality structure were used. The results showed that lower Agreeableness and higher Conscientiousness distinguished right-wing voters from other groups. Lower Extraversion characterized the group of voters who did not establish their ideological preferences. The group of centrist voters did not show distinct individuality in respect to personality. Personality traits distinguishing supporters of PiS are characteristic of right-wing voters and traits distinguishing supporters of PO are characteristic of left-wind voters but both groups of voters were similar in relatively high Conscientiousness. The results of the research showed some personality traits which characterized supporters of PSL, RP and SLD.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2013-03-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4213
Political Preferences; No 5 (2013): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4214
2017-01-02T16:16:35Z
PP:ART
"130301 2013 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Turska-Kawa, Agnieszka
The present article presents results of research conducted with the working assumption that voters perceive political parties in terms of traits characteristics for people, giving them a unique identity. Research was focused on defining the „personality" of a perfect political party; voters were asked about desired intensity of certain characteristics in such imagined perfect political entity. The taxonomy of traits presented to the respondents used the HEXACO model, by Kibeom Lee and Michael C. Aschton, which refers to a six-dimensional personality structure. The authors distinguished the following personality factors in the model: Honesty, Emotionality, Extraversion, Agreeableness, Conscientiousness and Openness to Experience.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2013-03-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4214
Political Preferences; No 5 (2013): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4215
2017-01-02T16:16:35Z
PP:ART
"130301 2013 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Plecka, Danuta
Social security has become in recent years an important element in the discourse about the quality of life on individualism and social group. Can not be successful introduction of social security without development elements, even in the from of human capital. This however has a poor design possibilities, if the public is desprived of the Community dimension of security, which is an integral part of social capital.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2013-03-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4215
Political Preferences; No 5 (2013): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4216
2017-01-02T16:16:35Z
PP:ART
"130301 2013 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Nocoń, Jarosław
The main thesis of the article assumes, that honesty and effectivenes or eficacy are complementary values of political action. This claim is still valid especially in conemporary normative political theory. Meanwhile, the results of empirical research shows, that voters perceive voters both of these features, as the contradictions of political action. The author analyzes the key reasons of this contradiction and indicates the conditions of its limitations.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2013-03-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4216
Political Preferences; No 5 (2013): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4217
2017-01-02T16:16:35Z
PP:ART
"130301 2013 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Musiał-Karg, Magdalena
The main aim of this paper is the analysis of the opinions of the Polish society on the European integration process and introduction of the euro currency in Poland. The research problem seems to be very interesting due to the fact that before and few years after the Polish accession to the EU, people's attitudes towards integration and European currency were very enthusiastic. The opinions of Polish electorate had radically changed by the end of 2008, when the Poles began to feel the negative results of the economic slowdown caused by the global financial crisis. The analysis was made in the context of party preferences in Poland and the data cover three periods: December 2004, December 2008 and the last quarter of 2012.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2013-03-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4217
Political Preferences; No 5 (2013): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4218
2017-01-02T16:16:35Z
PP:ART
"130301 2013 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Liszowska, Julia
The paper focuses both on results of own reseach (national poll conducted in Poland) and results of other polls concerning perception of the impact of the crisis in Poland. The results were analyzed in terms of correlation between political preferences (both partisan and ideological) and perceived severity of the crisis in Poland, as well as relationship between political preferences and seeing the EU as cause of the crisis in Poland, or at least reason behind growing seriousness of its signs in Poland.
A vast array of other polls - both national and European (mainly euro- barometer, but not only), as well as global - were analyzed, to verify whethere opinions of the Poles changed over time, and how they place in comparison with views of other nations. Overall, the Poles seem less pessimistic regarding the crisis than other nations, mainly due to comparatively better economic outlook, and their opinion on Polish membership in the EU remains very strongly positive. A significant percentage of respondents blamed - at least in part - EU for the crisis, but it did not translate into negative view on EU accession overall.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2013-03-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4218
Political Preferences; No 5 (2013): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4219
2017-01-02T16:16:35Z
PP:ART
"130301 2013 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Marmola, Maciej
Olszanecka, Agata
This article is an attempt to describe the social reception of United Poland (Solidarna Polska) - the new party on Polish political scene founded by former Minister of Justice Zbigniew Ziobro. The authors have tried to answer the question whether this new political initiative can reach the relevant position in Polish party system.
The first part of article includes the most popular theoretical models referring to emergence of new political parties and their impact on party system. The other part presents the main issues connected with United Poland: the genesis of this party, the political program and the marketing strategy.
It has been an introduction to show the results of our research on the social reception of United Poland. According to the research, only a small number of voters believe in success this new party. The most of Polish electorate think that United Poland cannot develop the coherent marketing strategy and their political program cannot be distinguished from parties with parliamentary representation.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2013-03-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4219
Political Preferences; No 5 (2013): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4220
2017-01-02T16:16:35Z
PP:ART
"130301 2013 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Chechłowska-Lipińska, Marta
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2013-03-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4220
Political Preferences; No 5 (2013): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4221
2017-01-02T16:16:35Z
PP:ART
"130301 2013 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Sitek, Bartosz
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2013-03-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4221
Political Preferences; No 5 (2013): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4222
2017-01-02T16:16:35Z
PP:ART
"130301 2013 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Wierzbica, Tomasz
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2013-03-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4222
Political Preferences; No 5 (2013): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4223
2017-01-02T16:16:35Z
PP:ART
"130301 2013 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Preferencje Polityczne, Redakcja
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2013-03-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4223
Political Preferences; No 5 (2013): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4224
2017-01-02T16:16:35Z
PP:ART
"130301 2013 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Preferencje Polityczne, Redakcja
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2013-03-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4224
Political Preferences; No 5 (2013): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4225
2017-01-02T16:16:35Z
PP:ART
"130301 2013 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Preferencje Polityczne, Redakcja
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2013-03-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4225
Political Preferences; No 5 (2013): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4227
2017-01-02T16:15:02Z
PP:ART
"131001 2013 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Preferencje Polityczne, Redakcja
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2013-10-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4227
Political Preferences; No 7 (2013): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4228
2017-01-02T16:15:02Z
PP:ART
"131001 2013 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Preferencje Polityczne, Redakcja
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2013-10-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4228
Political Preferences; No 7 (2013): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4229
2017-01-02T16:15:02Z
PP:ART
"131001 2013 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Faracik-Nowak, Magdalena
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2013-10-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4229
Political Preferences; No 7 (2013): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4230
2017-01-02T16:15:02Z
PP:ART
"131001 2013 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Piontek, Dorota
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2013-10-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4230
Political Preferences; No 7 (2013): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4231
2017-01-02T16:15:02Z
PP:ART
"131001 2013 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Krawczyk-Antońska, Żaneta
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2013-10-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4231
Political Preferences; No 7 (2013): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4232
2017-01-02T16:15:02Z
PP:ART
"131001 2013 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Trojanowska-Strzęboszewska, Monika
The article analyzes the problem of immigrants' participation in the elections on a local level as a display of political activity and the means of integration of the country and its migrants. Assuming the European-wide perspective it is noticeable that given countries differentiate in the level of enabling immigrants to participate in the political life. In Scandinavia and several north European countries there is the highest rate of immigrants' participation, on the other hand, in the countries that joined the EU in 2004 the rate is the lowest. In 20l0 immigrants without the EU citizenship were able to run for the local elections in l3 European countries and they had the voting right in l9 countries. In Poland only the EU citizens are allowed to participate in the elections. The research into the legal solutions enabling immigrants (especially those who are not from the EU) to acquire more voting rights proved to have interesting results. The research has shown that over a half of the people willing to parti- cipate in the parliamentary elections is for granting the voting rights to immigrants. According to the research among the electorates, the substantial percen- tage of the Platforma Obywatelska voters proved to be in favor of granting the voting rights to immigrants. Less support is displayed by the potential voters of SLD and Ruch Palikota. Furthermore, the majority of the PiS voters is against the immigrants' participation in the local elections. Finally, the results of the research show that voters perceive differently the problem of granting immi- grants the right to vote versus the right to stand for the elections. Although the first one is accepted by the majority of voters, the latter - not so much.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2013-10-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4232
Political Preferences; No 7 (2013): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4233
2017-01-02T16:15:02Z
PP:ART
"131001 2013 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Kolczyński, Mariusz
Faracik-Nowak, Magdalena
The main aim of this article is to identify current issues in the field of local government in Poland, especially the local political elites in the context of their political affiliation. The decentralization process and the gradual transfer of the responsibilities of the national regional and local dimension has led to the development of self-government. This in turn enabled the participation in the process of governance every citizen of the inhabited area. Recent local elections show that localism is a relative term and greatly simplified. Each of the local politician has own connections with a specific option. Those behavior leads to a kind of self-governance crisis that manifests itself among other things: a decrease of public trust, low voter turnout and increase the sense of social alienation.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2013-10-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4233
Political Preferences; No 7 (2013): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4234
2017-01-02T16:15:02Z
PP:ART
"131001 2013 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Widera, Zbigniew
Local and regional government are complex organizations, operating under varying environmental conditions. Their functioning and development depend on factors both internal and external. Environment creates conditions in the form of development opportunities and threats. More and more business in the management and administration of less exclusively defined area. More and more thinking about demanding customer service that is citizen (voter) and less to treat him as an object of local government influence.
Important in the process of building a decision (both for the policy and for the electorate) is appropriate communication. Building belief in the power and usefulness of the current regulations that constitute its presence is convinced of its usefulness and as such goes fitness for a particular time basis. Political communication is an appropriate platform for exchange between politicians and the public, the potential buyers of the product. It serves communication and competition between political parties which issues its product to the market policy.
Political communication is not only one of the mechanisms of political marketing, but it is an important plane relationship between the government and the public, allowing both parties to the transaction on the political market to obtain the relevant information of interest and sellers. This is done in analogy to the economic market where clarity is precise acceptance of the offer by the fact of its acquisition or rejection.
Marketing communication in professional services is an issue extremely important and unique (specific), as the basis for her client builds their expectations of intangible product that no communication could then be created. In other words, communication is carried out in a company providing services in order to realize the benefits as well as to attract new customers.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2013-10-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4234
Political Preferences; No 7 (2013): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4235
2017-01-02T16:15:02Z
PP:ART
"131001 2013 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Wojtkowski, Łukasz
The fie1d of ana1ysis presented in the artic1e are the findings of an ana1ysis of cognitive image of Si1esia and Si1esian in context of two categories. First is the economic deve1opment of the region, and second one is the di1igence of Si1esians. Answers given by respondents was depicted in prism of their po1itica1 attitudes and ideo1ogica1 be1iefs. It a11owed to point out specific patterns signi- fying about strong image position of Si1esia and its inhabitants autonomous1y of po1itica1 and ideo1ogica1 approaches of communication recipients.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2013-10-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4235
Political Preferences; No 7 (2013): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
##submission.copyrightStatement##
oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4236
2017-01-02T16:15:02Z
PP:ART
"131001 2013 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Krawczyk-Antońska, Żaneta
Jaruga, Kinga
The practice of political life often indicates that the implementation of the control function is one of the most important elements of the Polish parliament's competency. The possibility of appointing parliamentary commit- tees of inquiry guaranteed by the Constitution is undoubtedly the clearest, and the most spectacular form of its exercise. However, It would seem that the clear form of the accepted political solutions does not eliminate various doubts of procedural, political and legal nature relating to their functioning. It is no wonder that parliamentary committees of inquiry, becoming media phenomena, are increasingly seen as a weak link in the process of political reality.
The main objective of this paper is to show the form and the position of committees of inquiry, arising not only from the accepted legal and constitutional solutions, but also non-formal conditions shaped by political, media as well as social culture. The intention of the authors is an attempt to present the actual importance of parliamentary committees of inquiry in view of the perception of their activities by the electorate of particular parties.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2013-10-01 00:00:00
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https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4236
Political Preferences; No 7 (2013): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
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oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4237
2017-01-02T16:15:02Z
PP:ART
"131001 2013 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Zaborski, Marcin
The artic1e focuses on the issue of e1ection si1ence, the range of its app1i- cabi1ity and significance for the Po1ish democratic system. It describes in detai1 the 1ega1 perspective of the phenomenon at the same time i11ustrating its actua1 impact on the functioning of party competition and e1ectora1 decision-making process.
The primary goa1 of this paper is to present the resu1ts of empirica1 studies on the importance of pre-e1ection po11s for the deve1opment of the actua1 support of voters. Empirica1 verification has been app1ied to a thesis which assumes that the pub1ication of opinion po11s in support of candidates or po1itica1 parties during e1ection campaigns shou1d be forbidden 1onger than just during e1ection si1ence. The resu1ts were a1so corre1ated with the dec1ared po1itica1 preferences of the respondents, which a11owed the author a more detai1ed ana1ysis of the revea1ed regu1arities.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2013-10-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4237
Political Preferences; No 7 (2013): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
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oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4238
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PP:ART
"131001 2013 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Wichura, Jarosław
For po1itics, just 1ike any member of the pub1ic, the Internet is a very convenient medium. It not on1y a11ows for a re1ative1y 1ow cost to reach diverse customers, but it is a1so an exce11ent too1 for meeting the requirements of the po1itics persona1ization. Not on1y their own websites, on-1ine discussions and e-mai1 offer today a po1itician possibi1ity of mediating communication with citizens (voters). Becoming increasing1y popu1ar, b1og offers many exciting opportunities to provide information.
Every po1itica1 party can find a po1itician who owns and runs a b1og (inc1uding Joanna Senyszyn, Wa1demar Paw1ak, Ryszard Czarnecki, Janusz Korwin-Mikke, Marek Miga1ski). Most of them treats virtua1 notebooks as a too1 to present their views and image. They emphasize certain information which they be1ieve and have not been adequate1y provided by other media. Undoubted1y, on1ine diaries begin to p1ay an increasing1y important ro1e today in po1itica1 communication. Even though they are much more "poor" from par1iamentary websites, because they contain on1y the texts pub1ished by the author, they are a great advantage of persona1istic character.
Popu1arity of b1ogs among po1iticians (not on1y in Po1and) is steadi1y increasing. One of the things attesting to the va1idity of this court is its constant evo1ution. On1ine diaries are more and more powerfu1. You can now post on b1og not on1y a text, but a1so a photo, short video or audio fi1e. It shou1d be noted that the po1itica1 debate is c1ose1y dependent on the media and chan- ging with the emergence of new communication too1s. B1ogs made a significant transfers in this area.
For the purposes of this artic1e, subject of study focused on two 1eve1s of ana1ysis, for the e1ections to the Par1iament (if they were he1d this Sunday) and in the context of po1itica1 ideo1ogy. The ana1ysis of empirica1 data was re1atedto the two main issues: ownership and operation of po1itica1 b1ogs and track their entries by the voters.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2013-10-01 00:00:00
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https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4238
Political Preferences; No 7 (2013): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
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oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4239
2017-01-02T16:15:02Z
PP:ART
"131001 2013 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Preferencje Polityczne, Redakcja
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2013-10-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4239
Political Preferences; No 7 (2013): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
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oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4241
2017-01-02T16:14:23Z
PP:ART
"140101 2014 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Preferencje Polityczne, Redakcja
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2014-01-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4241
Political Preferences; No 8 (2014): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
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oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4242
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"140101 2014 eng "
2449-9064
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Peszyński, Wojciech
In 2012 and 2013, in Poland, did not take place any national election. It was excellent perspective to lead comparison research. The subject of this article is presidentialization of electoral preferences. This process depends on situation, when style of parliamentary campaign has become similarly like presidential election and people focus on parties leaders competition. Usually presidentialisation increased without any changes of election rules.
The Author focuses on two aspects: determinantes of decisions in potential parliamentary elections and opinion connected with organizing television debates during campaigns. In the article were compared preferences among electoral five main Polish parties. Results of the polls were compared with effects previous surveys (in 2012), which included two the same questions about presidentialisation.
First question (about presidentialisation) apply to determinates of decision in potential parliamentary election. In every parties electoral more respondents choose 'party option' than 'leader variant'. The most questioned, who show party leader, find among Law and Justice (PiS) electoral (26,2 per cent). It could be predicted, because Jarosław Kaczyński (PiS president) is main party symbol and predominant person inside the organization. As surprise can be treated preferences of Civil Platform (PO) electoral. Here value of this ratings reveal 18,3 per cent. In comparison to previous survey (in 2012) it signifies decline about 2,4 per cent. Donald Tusk (the prime minister and PO leader) is the most important component of this party and his attitude was main factor of the winning of two last parliamentary elections (2007 and 2011).
Second question apply to organization television debates in every elections. Among electoral every parties find more followers than oppositionists this solution. However in comparison this results to previous polls we can conclude about decrease amount of supporter this postulate. In reality, debatesbecame important element of campaign if politicians understand a role of this issues. But presently political parties and public opinion are not interested in this issue.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2014-01-01 00:00:00
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https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4242
Political Preferences; No 8 (2014): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
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oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4243
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"140101 2014 eng "
2449-9064
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Widera, Zbigniew
Meeting the needs of the voters is the primary responsibility of politicians. Political activity organize social life through the interaction of political institutions, which are the foundation of the democratic process of electing representatives mandated by society and legitimized in the elections. Well- conceived mission of serving the public is the foundation of a well-functioning relationship politician-voter. It is a way to meet the expectations that allows voters to build everyday life and faith in the future. It is worth to know the extent in which politicians meet the expectations of their constituents.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2014-01-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4243
Political Preferences; No 8 (2014): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
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oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4244
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"140101 2014 eng "
2449-9064
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Olszanecka, Agata
The intra-party conflicts tend to be more common on Polish political scene in last few years. This kind of political competition was not avoided by the ruling party - Civic Platform. The conflict between Prime Minister Donald Tusk and former Minister of Justice Jarosław Gowin has escalated during the internal election in Civic Platform. Despite the Gowin's failure in party chairman election, he reached a substantial support among party members and electorate. After that, Gowin decided to leave Civic Platform and established his own political formation - Poland Together (PolskaRazem).
Presented article is aimed at examining the perception of party leadership of Donald Tusk and the political potential of Jarosław Gowin. According to the research and this year's European Parliament election the author tried to answer the question whether Gowin's party can achieve the relevant position in Polish party system.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2014-01-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4244
Political Preferences; No 8 (2014): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
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oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4245
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"140101 2014 eng "
2449-9064
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Łukasik-Turecka, Agnieszka
The surveys conducted in the autumn of 2013 show that most of those surveyed pay no attention to election advertisements aired on the radio. The greatest percentage of persons not interested in radio election advertisements are followers of the Left Democratic Alliance (Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej, SLD) - 74.4%. An equally large percentage of people who are not interested in radio election advertising was reported among those polled who declared they would not vote if the election for the Sejm was held next Sunday - 74%. Followers of the Your Movement [Twój Ruch] coalition and supporters of other parties than those named above also pay little atten- tion to radio election advertising - in both categories this percentage is 68.4% each. Out of the Civic Platform [Platforma Obywatelska, PO] supporters as many as 67.3 % of those surveyed are not interested in radio election advertisements, while among the Law and Justice [Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, PiS] followers the percentage of those not interested in election advertisements on the radio is 65.8%. The lowest percentage (although also exceeding 60%) of people not paying attention to radio election advertisements was reported among supporters of the Polish People's Party [Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe, PSL] - 64%.
Taking into account the results of surveys concerning ideological views, the highest percentage of persons not interested in radio election advertisements are those surveyed who define their views as left-wing - 76.7%. A slightly smaller percentage of persons not interested in radio election advertisements was reported among those surveyed who defined their views as centrist - 71.6%, while the percentage of those surveyed defining their views as right-wing and not interested in this type of advertising was 65.8%. Out of those who find it difficult to define their views the percentage of people not interested in radio election advertisements is 67.3%.
The survey results also show that election advertisements aired on the radio do not have any effect on the voting decisions of the majority of those surveyed. This form of political communication has the smallest influence on the Democratic Left Alliance supporters - as many as 80 % of those polled and declaring themselves as followers of this party believe that radio election advertising has no effect on their voting decisions. The percentage of persons who believe that election advertisements on the radio do not influence their voting decisions is also high in the case of the other categories of those surveyed. In the case of the supporters of other parties than those mentioned, this percentage is 79.8%; for those who would not vote if the election was held on the nearest Sunday - 78,7%, while for the PO, PSL, PiS and Your Movement supporters: 77.8%, 72.1%, 71.4% and 73.6% respectively.
In the case of the survey results regarding ideological views, the highest percentage of those surveyed who believe that radio election advertisements do not have any impact on their voting decisions was reported among persons who define their views as centrist - 82.2%, and not much lower among those defining their views as left-wing - 81.7%. The smallest percentage of those who believe that radio election advertisements do not influence their voting decisions was reported among the persons defining their views as right-wing
- 74.6% and among those who find it difficult to define their views - 72.2%.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2014-01-01 00:00:00
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https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4245
Political Preferences; No 8 (2014): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
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oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4246
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"140101 2014 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Musiał-Karg, Magdalena
Without any doubt since 1989 one may observe increasing women's role in Polish political life. One of proofs for it is higher number of women registered as candidates before parliamentary elections, as well as higher percentage of women in Polish Sejm. In spite of this, Polish women are still less active in the political life than men, which results from existence of several barriers hindering their participation and involvement in politics. The main aim of this article is to analyze the opinion of Poles on the activity of women in political life and on the introduction of additional mechanisms having the potential to increase women's participation in political bodies.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2014-01-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4246
Political Preferences; No 8 (2014): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
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oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4247
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"140101 2014 eng "
2449-9064
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Marmola, Maciej
The emergence of new party should be an answer for voters' demand on new political initiatives. Since the beginning of the 21th century we have been faced with lack of representativeness of political parties. In addition, there is weak party identification among Polish electorate.
The empirical research presented in this article proves that the portion of electorate expecting an emergence of new party is increased. However, the Polish voters don't believe that potential new parties can reach the relevant position in party system. The results of Palikot Movement (currently: Your Move) in parliamentary election 2011 and the Congress of the New Right in this year's European Parliament election shows that appropriate political program can bring about a success of new political formation.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2014-01-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4247
Political Preferences; No 8 (2014): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
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oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4248
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PP:ART
"140101 2014 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Tomczak, Łukasz
The article concerns the attitudes of parties and their voters towards democracy and support for a "strong-arm government". The research included the five largest Polish civil parties Platforma Obywatelska RP (Civic Platform RP), Prawo I Sprawiedliwość (Law and Justice), Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej (Democratic Left Alliance), Twój Ruch (Your Movement), and Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe (Polish People's Party).
The results confirmed that, on the one hand, voters acknowledge democracy as the best political system for Poland; however, on the other hand, a substantial part of them longs for strong authorities. Supporting democracy, they advocate a "strong-arm government". Among left-wing voters, there is three times more proponents of such governments than persons acknowledging another political system as better than democratic one. In the case of political scene centre voters, the number of "strong-arm government" proponents amounts to over four times the number of democracy critics. Nearly half of the right-wing voters supported the "strong-arm government", and every fifth of them did not acknowledge democracy as the best political system.
Proponents of democracy dominate in electorates of all parties. Groups in which their advantage over opponents is clearly the smallest include: PiS-voters, persons who declared the will to vote for another formation, and persons who did not want to participate in the elections. Among the PiS-voters, nearly three times more supported "strong-arm government" than opposed it. Among the voters of PO, SLD, and Your Movement, there were more opponents of a "strong-arm government" than its proponents.
One may assume that a formation critical towards democracy and favorable towards reinforcement of authority of a strong, charismatic leader could gain among the right-wing voters. It may partially explain why did the KongresNowejPrawicy (Congress of the New Right) receive substantial support in the elections to the European Parliament. KNP criticizes the modern democracy and its leader favorably talked about activities of politicians who apply the methods of a "strong-arm government". On the left side of the political scene there are no premises for the emergence of a political force based on similar views and having greater support.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2014-01-01 00:00:00
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https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4248
Political Preferences; No 8 (2014): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
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oai:ojs.www.journals.us.edu.pl:article/4249
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"140101 2014 eng "
2449-9064
dc
Czaja, Marek
Gutowski, Szymon
This article presents the perception of environmental issue by Polish society - attaching importance to these issues and the assessment of political activities in solving environmental problems.
The first part of the article describes environmentalism and the green parties which gained relevant position in Western European party system in the 70s of the twentieth century. Then the activities of the Greens in Poland and other Central European countries are described that took place after the collapse of the communist system in 1989.
The article also illustrates the results of research on social perception of the environmental issues. The vast majority of Poles consider these issues important and claim that politicians should increase their activities in this area. Nevertheless, this doesn't affect the position of the Greens in the Polish party system. This is due to the history after World War II when Central Europe was in the Soviet sphere of influence and the weakness of the green parties that have never been able to present their offer efficiently to public opinion.
Centrum Innowacji, Transferu Technologii i Rozwoju Fundacja Uniwersytetu Śląskiego
2014-01-01 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://journals.us.edu.pl/index.php/PP/article/view/4249
Political Preferences; No 8 (2014): Preferencje Polityczne
pol
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