The King and His Retainers Some Notes on Interpolations in the Flateyjarbók Version

Óláfr Tryggvason — king of Norway from about 995 to 999 or 1000 — features prominently in Old Norse historiography and saga literature, where he is presented as an advocate for Christianisation, mainly in Iceland and Norway, and as the king who is tricked into the battle of Svǫlðr by a coalition of his enemies. The exact location of the battle is difficult to establish; some locate it in the Öresund, others on the Baltic coast of the territories of the Polabian Slavs.1 Óláfr Tryggvason dies in this battle. The in part quite detailed accounts of Óláfr’s life in these texts, written long after his death, may be surprising, given the fact that there are remarkably few sources about Óláfr that can be deemed contemporary.2 The late medieval stage of the development


Introduction
Óláfr Tryggvason -king of Norway from about 995 to 999 or 1000features prominently in Old Norse historiography and saga literature, where he is presented as an advocate for Christianisation, mainly in Iceland and Norway, and as the king who is tricked into the battle of Svǫlðr by a coalition of his enemies. The exact location of the battle is difficult to establish; some locate it in the Öresund, others on the Baltic coast of the territories of the Polabian Slavs. 1 Óláfr Tryggvason dies in this battle. The in part quite detailed accounts of Óláfr's life in these texts, written long after his death, may be surprising, given the fact that there are remarkably few sources about Óláfr that can be deemed contemporary. 2 The late medieval stage of the development

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The King and His Retainers. Some Notes on Interpolations… Consequently, an analysis of these texts that are preserved as part of ÓTm should also pay attention to how they interact with other parts of it.
One of the core tasks in philology is the analysis and comparison of different textual variants, whereby any differences have to be seen in relation to how they modify the text as a whole. This article concentrates on the interpolations in the Flateyjarbók version of ÓTm that deal with those retainers of Óláfr Tryggvason who fight with him at the decisive battle of Svǫlðr. These interpolations are some of the most characteristic features of the Flateyjarbók version of ÓTm.

Earlier Texts about King Óláfr Tryggvason and Their Relationship to ÓTm
Among the numerous sources of ÓTm, some Icelandic texts about Óláfr Tryggvason composed between c. 1190 and 1230 hold a special position. A monk at the monastery of Þingeyrar in northern Iceland, Oddr Snorrason composed a Latin vita about Óláfr, now lost, presumably about the year 1190. This vita is preserved in an Icelandic translation, referred to as Oddr's Óláfs saga Tryggvasonar, in three manuscripts dating from the period 1250-1300, and text from this saga was also included in ÓTm. 7 Another monk at Þingeyrar, Gunnlaugr Leifsson also wrote a vita in Latin about Óláfr (which is likewise lost), some parts of which, in Icelandic translation, can be found in ÓTm, 8 where Gunnlaugr is also mentioned several times. 9 In contrast to the case of Oddr, however, we do not have other manuscripts apart from ÓTm that preserve Gunnlaugr's writings about Óláfr Tryggvason. Research has therefore focused especially on Oddr's saga, not the least as the saga's prologue presents Óláfr Tryggvason as the precursor of Saint Óláfr, same as John the Baptist was the precursor of Christ. It has been argued that Oddr's saga shows more resemblance to sagas about saints than sagas about kings, as it includes, for instance, passages that can be classified as accounts of miracles, although Óláfr 28 Annett Krakow Tryggvason was not and has never since been canonised. 10 His saga is strongly influenced by ecclesiastical and hagiographical literature and also shows numerous parallels to, for instance, legends about Saint Óláfr and other Christian kings such as Edward the Confessor and Charlemagne. 11 Oddr Snorrason's saga was also used for the saga about Óláfr Tryggvason in Heimskringla. This collection of kings' sagas is usually attributed to Snorri Sturluson, who composed it probably between 1220 and 1230. 12 Snorri's Óláfs saga Tryggvasonar differs significantly from Oddr's in tone. As Ólafur Halldórsson puts it, "Snorri […] pruned the diction of all hagiographic characteristics" such as Óláfr's survival of the battle of Svǫlðr and other episodes that might seem implausible. 13 Snorri's saga about Óláfr has been identified as the major source for ÓTm, 14 but due to the use of Oddr's and Gunnlaugr's accounts, such episodes found their way into ÓTm. Oddr's motivation for writing such a saga about Óláfr Tryggvason were examined by J. Zernack: Vorläufer und Vollender. Olaf Tryggvason und Olaf der Heilige im Geschichtsdenken des Oddr Snorrason munkr. "Arkiv för nordisk filologi" 1998, Vol. 113, pp. 81-82. Zernack concludes that Oddr seems to have aimed at providing Norway with an independent Christian tradition that could be used to legitimise the priority of a national church over claims by the universal church (J. Zernack: Vorläufer und Vollender…,pp. 90,92

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The King and His Retainers. Some Notes on Interpolations…

The Manuscripts and Redactions of ÓTm
ÓTm is preserved in Icelandic manuscripts from the second half of the 14 th century onwards. In one manuscript (Bergsbók), Bergr Sokkason is credited with the compilation of ÓTm. Bergr Sokkason was abbot at Munkaþverá, a monastery in northern Iceland, in the second quarter of the 14 th century. 15 In this section, manuscripts that were written up to about 1400 -i.e. the time when Flateyjarbók was written -will be briefly presented. The oldest manuscript of ÓTm is AM 61 fol., dated to around 1350-1375. 16 Together with a number of other manuscripts, AM 61 fol. represents the so-called older redaction of ÓTm. The manuscripts of the older redaction include AM 53 fol. and AM 54 fol. which are both dated to about 1375-1400 (and which most likely were written in the same scriptorium), 17 SKB Perg. fol. no. 1, also known as Bergsbók, dated to about 1400-1425, and some fragments. 18 The manuscripts of the older redaction do not differ significantly in their textual organisation. One can, for instance, find a different chapter division but no rearrangement of text passages. Therefore, AM 61 fol. was used as the main text in the edition prepared by Ólafur Halldórsson. 19 In comparison to the older redaction (also called "A text"), the younger redaction (also called "D text") is characterised by a number of alterations (paraphrases, omissions, interpolations, changed sequence of chapters/text), and the differences between the two major manuscripts of the younger redaction are more pronounced than those between the manuscripts of the older redaction. 20 But still, "Large segments of the D text are in fact identical with the A text except for normal verbal divergences. Even in the revised parts phrases and  Halldórsson. København 1958, 1961(hereinafter ÓTmÓH 1958and ÓTmÓH 1961. 20 Finnur Jónsson: Flateyjarbók. "Aarbøger for nordisk Oldkyndighed og Historie" 1927, Vol. 17, pp. 150-169;ÓTmÓH 2000, pp. CCCX-CCCXXIII. whole sentences are regularly to be found unchanged," as Ólafur Halldórsson stresses. 21 The younger redaction of ÓTm can be found in AM 62 fol., dated to 22 and in Flateyjarbók. The text of ÓTm in Flateyjarbók was copied from a manuscript closely related to AM 62 fol. Most of the shorter interpolated texts in AM 62 fol. can also be found in Flateyjarbók. 23 Of the abovementioned manuscripts, AM 61 fol., Bergsbók, and Flateyjarbók not only include a saga about Óláfr Tryggvason, but also one about his famous namesake Saint Óláfr, that is, Óláfr Haraldsson, likewise king of Norway, who died in 1030. AM 62 fol. today only preserves ÓTm, but it is likely that it originally also included a saga about Saint Óláfr. 24 It has been suggested that the so-called separate Óláfs saga helga by Snorri Sturluson was the model for the compiler of ÓTm "[…] and it is not unlikely that his objective in writing the saga was to honour Óláfr Tryggvason with a saga as long as the one composed by Snorri about Óláfr helgi" 25 ; this can help explain the comprehensiveness of ÓTm.
Due to information contained in Flateyjarbók, it can be established that it was written between 1387 and 1394, as the annals end with an entry for that year. 26 It originally consisted of 202 leaves; on the verso of the first leaf the information is given that the codex was owned by Jón Hákonarson, a wealthy Icelandic farmer, and written by two priests, Jón Þórðarson and Magnús Þórhallsson; it is assumed that the owner also commissioned the codex. 27

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The King and His Retainers. Some Notes on Interpolations… known where Flateyjarbók was written, but the scribes Jón and Magnús would have needed access to a large number of manuscripts; Ólafur Halldórsson has estimated that about 40 to 50 manuscripts were used for Flateyjarbók. 28 The manuscript's "basic framework" 29 is formed by four sagas about the Norwegian kings Óláfr Tryggvason, Óláfr Haraldsson, Sverrir Sigurðarson, and Hákon Hákonarson. ÓTm is preceded by shorter texts such as poems, genealogies, and Eiríks saga víðfǫrla, while the saga about Hákon Hákonarson is followed by further material on Óláfr Haraldsson, Graenlendinga þáttr, Helga þáttr ok Úlfs, Játvarðar saga helga (about Edward the Confessor), and annals. 30 Towards the end of the 15 th century, a saga about two relatives of Óláfr Haraldsson was included, on King Magnús (his son) and on King Haraldr harðráði Sigurðarson (his half-brother), so that Flateyjarbók now contains 225 leaves. 31 For establishing the peculiarities of the Flateyjarbók version of ÓTm, a comparison with the other, older extant manuscript of the younger redaction, AM 62 fol., is of key importance. Ólafur Halldórsson assumes that the manuscript of ÓTm used for Flateyjarbók must have been almost identical with AM 62 fol., and, therefore, alterations in the Flateyjarbók version of ÓTm must be those of Jón Þórðarson, who wrote this part of the codex; yet, due to lacunae in AM 62 fol., it is at times impossible to determine whether the differences between the older redaction and the Flateyjarbók version are a result of changes already found in the manuscript of ÓTm that was used for Flateyjarbók. 32 It should be kept in mind that the question to what extent (who died in 1387), an idea that has been explored by Ólafur Halldórsson: Grettisfaersla: Safn ritgerða eftir Ólaf Halldórsson gefið út á sjötugsafmaeli hans,18. apríl 1990. Eds. Sigurgeir Steingrímsson et al. Reykjavík 1990 the scribe decided on these alterations or simply followed instructions must remain unsolved. 33 Excerpts from separate sagas in the Flateyjarbók-ÓTm are often regarded as typical of this version without noting possible causes. Ólafur Halldórsson points out that the younger redaction is characterised by "drastiske forkortelser" -"drastic abridgements" -of passages which do not deal with Norway, whereas many interpolations have Norway as their setting or are related to Óláfr Tryggvason. 34 However, his observations first and foremost concern AM 62 fol. Where the state of preservation of AM 62 fol. permits a comparison, one can note that chapters that in the older redaction are based on Jómsvíkinga saga, Faereyinga saga, and Hallfreðar saga vandraeðaskálds were often abridged in AM 62 fol., contributing to a stronger focus on Óláfr Tryggvason. If the scribe of the Flateyjarbók-ÓTm wanted to include longer accounts, he was more or less forced to replace the shortened passages with excerpts from the abovementioned sagas. 35 Another feature that sets the Flateyjarbók-ÓTm apart is the saga's last part. The older redaction also includes chapters on the further political developments in Norway in the report of Óláfr's survival. Starting with Jarl Eiríkr Hákonarson, who is among the winners of the battle of Svǫlðr, the focus is then shifted to the rule of Saint Óláfr (and shortly Haraldr harðráði). In AM 62 fol. chapters on Saint Óláfr were abridged or omitted, and in the Flateyjarbók version the last part was changed even further. 36

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The King and His Retainers. Some Notes on Interpolations…

Óláfr, His Retainers, and the Battle of Svǫlðr: Interpolations in the Flateyjarbók Version
The sea battle of Svǫlðr is the focal point in both redactions of ÓTm. Óláfr, led into a trap by Jarl Sigvaldi, fights with his men against a coalition of the Danish king Sveinn tjúguskegg Haraldsson, the Swedish king Óláfr soenski Eiríksson, and the Norwegian jarl Eiríkr Hákonarson. Óláfr Tryggvason's defeat at Svǫlðr marks at the same time the end of his rule in Norway. Both the events leading to the battle and the battle itself are accounted for in detail, in the Flateyjarbók version in about 27 pages in the text edition. 38 Already before that account, one can find a list with the names of Óláfr's retainers on three of his ships, with Ormrinn langi being the biggest of them and the one that is skippered by Óláfr himself. Presenting the names of retainers is one of the conventions of the portrayal of rulers. In the older redaction, the names of 43 retainers on the ships are mentioned. 39 Of these, the overwhelming majority (32 retainers) are only mentioned in this list, and the others almost exclusively in the chapters on Svǫlðr. 40 Exceptions are Ulfr rauði, Einarr þambarskelfir Eindriðason, and three relatives of Óláfr (Jósteinn Eiríksson, Þorkell dyðrill Eiríksson, and Þorkell nefja Loðinsson) who have already been introduced earlier in the saga and who also fight with the king. Considering the importance of the battle of Svǫlðr for Óláfr, it is conspicuous that so few of the fighters have played an active part earlier in the saga. On the other hand, the older redaction speaks in detail about men in Óláfr's service -most prominently the Icelanders Kjartan Óláfsson and Hallfreðr vandraeðaskáld Óttarsson, and the Faeroese Sigmundr Brestisson -but these do not participate in the battle.
This discrepancy between retainers participating in the battle and their appearance in other parts of the saga has been smoothed out in the Flateyjarbók version, as will be demonstrated with the help of selected examples. A useful starting point is a comparison of the older redaction's list of Óláfr's men with that in the Flateyjarbók version. 41 For the older redaction, the text of AM (There were, first of all, chosen King Óláfr's men. Since the king's men had been selected from men within the country and from abroad all those who were strongest and bravest. Úlfr rauði was the name of a man who bore King Óláfr's standard and was at the prow on Ormrinn. And the second was Kolbeinn stallari. Þorsteinn uxafótr. Vikarr of Tíundaland, the brother of Arnljótr gellini. These were in the rausn ['forecas- (There were, first of all, chosen King Óláfr's men since the king's men had been selected from men within the country and from abroad all those who were strongest and bravest. Úlfr rauði was the name of a man who bore King Óláfr's standard and was at the prow on Ormrinn. He was of Heiðmǫrk. The second Kolbeinn stallari of Raumaríki and Eindriði ilbreiðr. Vikarr from the east of Tíundaland, the brother of Arnljótr gellini. Þorsteinn uxafótr. These were in the rausn ['forecastle']  Upright bold print has been used for retainers whose names have been interpolated in the list in Flateyjarbók who, just as in the older redaction, also feature in other parts of ÓTm. In the case of Eindriði ilbreiðr, one can even find a þáttr -i.e. an episode or short narrative -about him in ÓTm. Although Eindriði is not mentioned in the list in the older redaction, the þáttr ends by mentioning his participation in the battle: ok er þat saugn svmra manna at hann hafui verit með Olafi konungi ª Ormínum ok fallit þar (and that is said by some people that he was with King Óláfr on Ormrinn and fell there). 42 Instead of this, the Flateyjarbók version has ok skilde alldri Endride vid konung medan þeir lifdu badir (and Eindriði never parted from the king as long as they both lived) (lacuna in AM 62 fol.), 43 and his name was also interpolated in the list of men who died at Svǫlðr (lacuna in AM 62 fol.). 44 Some names have been underlined in the list of men on Ormrinn langi. These retainers are mentioned in the list in both the older redaction and Flateyjarbók, yet in Flateyjarbók one can find further interpolations in which these retainers appear. Particularly illustrative examples are Einarr þambarskelfir, Þorsteinn uxafótr, and Hallsteinn (Hrómundarson).
In Flateyjarbók, one can also read about Einarr þambarskelfir in two chapters referred to in research as Halldórs þáttr Snorrasonar, a narrative also preserved in AM 62 fol., and in two þaettir for which Flateyjarbók is the oldest manuscript, namely Þorsteins þáttr uxafóts and Orms þáttr Stórólfssonar. motivated by events shortly after the battle of Svǫlðr that are included in the þáttr in a retrospective report. Einarr relates how he and two other retainers of Óláfr Tryggvason were captured by Danes after the battle and sold as slaves to a man whose face was hidden under a mask. 46 This man predicts their future lives and sets them free, requiring of Einarr that he, should an offender ever be in his power, also set this person free. The man briefly lifts his mask before he disappears, and they identify him as Óláfr Tryggvason. Orms þáttr Stórólfssonar likewise refers back to the battle of Svǫlðr. In Flateyjarbók, this þáttr is placed in the transitional passage to Óláfs saga helga. The Icelander Ormr does not participate in the battle, but a demonstration of Ormr's strength makes it clear to Jarl Eiríkr Hákonarson that king Óláfr's ship Ormrinn langi would never have been taken had Ormr fought by the king's side. 47 The þáttr also includes a chapter in which Ormr manages to bend Einarr þambarskelfir's bow for which he wins Einarr's praise. 48 In Þorsteins þáttr uxafóts, a genealogical relation is created between the father of title protagonist Þorsteinn and two other retainers of King Óláfr, Einarr þambarskelfir and the abovementioned Eindriði ilbreiðr, who both fight with the king at Svǫlðr. 49 Þorsteinn uxafótr as one of Óláfr's men at Svǫlðr is already mentioned in the sagas by Oddr and Snorri. In ÓTm one can, in addition, also find a short exchange of words between Þorsteinn and the king during the battle (lacuna in AM 62 fol.), 50 but in contrast to the older redaction and AM 62 fol. (which does not have a lacuna here), Þorsteinn uxafótr is provided with a biography in the form a þáttr. 51 In this exchange of words between Óláfr and Þorsteinn, Alan Binns sees "the point of departure for the þáttr, which would then be, like the medieval chivalric enfances, an attempt to provide a past for a hero already known which would agree with the lines of his character already laid down." 52 The þáttr relates how Ívarr ljómi -the same whose name we find interpolated in the list of retainers in Flateyjarbók 53 -comes from Norway to Iceland and fathers a son there, Þorsteinn uxafótr, before he leaves again for Norway. Þorsteinn and his Icelandic mother are left behind. The few sources on Þorsteinn uxafótr do not indicate that he had Icelandic ancestors. Binns

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The King and His Retainers. Some Notes on Interpolations… "[n]one of these sources give any reason for believing him to have been an Icelander, and Oddr believed him to have come from southern Norway," and therefore he assumes that the Icelandic descent was ascribed to Þorsteinn by the author of the þáttr. 54 In Flateyjarbók, Þorsteins þáttr uxafóts was inserted in a passage that focuses on the settlement of Iceland. This þáttr is not just "a kind of thematic introduction to the account of the conversion of Iceland," as Elizabeth Ashman Rowe has noted, 55 but even anticipates it, since Þorsteinn voluntarily accepts the new faith, as later did the Icelanders on Alþing. Þorsteinn vows to himself that should he be able to overcome the trollwoman Skjaldvǫr, he will convert: hafde hann ok heyrt margar saugur ok merkiligar fra Olafui konungi ok þeirre tru er hann bodade. haeitr nu af hreinu hiarta ok haeilum huga at taka vid þeirre tru ok þiona Olafi medan hann lifde ef hann kaemizst heill ok lifs j brott af allre kunnattu (He had also heard a lot of noteworthy stories about King Óláfr and the faith he propagated. He promised now with pure heart and sincerely to accept this faith and to serve Óláfr as long as he lived, should he get away with life and limb from all this magic). 56 Þorsteinn succeeds; after this adventure he is acknowledged by his Norwegian father Ívarr ljómi and, having been baptised, becomes one of King Óláfr's retainers. In the chapter on Þorsteinn, one can find numerous parallels to Ormr Stórólfsson, 57 who has already been mentioned above. One example refers to the battle of Svǫlðr, in which Þorsteinn uses a sail-yard (beiti-áss) as a weapon. 58 Ormr also uses a pole (berlings-áss) in the reenactment of a battle scene on Ormrinn langi. 59 Þorsteins þáttr uxafóts ends with a reference to Þorsteinn's death in the battle of Svǫlðr. 60 This contradicts other information later, where -as in the older redaction -Þorsteinn is mentioned among the survivors (lacuna in AM 62 fol.). 61 One of Óláfr's retainers, who in the older redaction is simply named Hallsteinn, is in Flateyjarbók explicitly referred to as the son of Hrómundr halti. Here again, as in the case of Þorsteinn uxafótr, a protagonist is provided with a history and an Icelandic descent, because Flateyjarbók also includes an additional, interpolated narrative that finds no equivalent in the older redaction or AM 62 fol. This interpolation is Hrómundar þáttr halta. 62 It is set in Iceland and is about a group of criminal Norwegians who steal some horses that belong to Hrómundr. 63 In revenge for being found guilty of this crime, twelve Norwegians attack Hrómundr's farm. Hrómundr only has three men to support him; only his son Hallsteinn and a foster-son survive the fight. The þáttr ends with the information that Hallsteinn goes to Norway, is converted by King Óláfr Tryggvason, and also becomes one of the king's men; his bravery is noted, and he is said to have fallen on the king's ship at Svǫlðr.
In the longer quotation with the list of Óláfr's men, three names have been put into italics and bold face: Hallsteinn's father Hrómundr halti, Þorsteinn skelkr, and Ívarr ljómi. These names do not appear in the older redaction, neither in the list of retainers nor elsewhere. Not only have their names been interpolated into Flateyjarbók, but so too have episodes in which they feature. In addition, Þorsteinn skelkr and Ívarr ljómi have also been added to the list of men who were killed in Óláfr's last battle ( Iceland. Þorsteins þáttr skelks opens with a short genealogical reference, and from the information provided there one can construct a connection between Þorsteinn and the ancestors of King Óláfr Haraldsson, and between Þorsteinn and Kjartan Óláfsson's wife, which puts the þáttr's title hero "in an immediately recognizable context," to quote John Lindow, 65 and adds to the density of links to other protagonists within ÓTm and to Óláfs saga helga. Þorsteins þáttr skelks also ends with the mention of his death on Ormrinn langi. 66 In contrast to the þaettir on Þorsteinn uxafótr and Hallsteinn Hrómundarson, Þorsteins þáttr skelks tells about a notable event when Þorsteinn skelkr is with Óláfr Tryggvason. One night, ignoring the king's instruction, Þorsteinn leaves the hall on his own and meets the devil who tells him of the agony that the heroes of the mythic-legendary past have to suffer in hell. 67 Þorsteins þáttr skelks varies a recurrent theme in ÓTm, Óláfr Tryggvason's determined fight against the old faith and his saviour-like qualities. Þorsteinn can be saved from the devil by the king -in contrast to a man called Þiðrandi, whose story is told in the two chapters following Þorsteins þáttr skelks, in Þiðranda þáttr ok Þórhalls. 68 For that reason, Joseph Harris has described Þorsteins þáttr skelks as "a farcical version of the kind of tragic encounter with evil presented by Þiðranda þáttr ok Þórhalls." 69 One night, Þiðrandi hears a knocking on the door and opens it, despite the warning of Þórhallr. Þiðrandi sees nine women dressed in black and nine women dressed in white riding towards him from different directions. The women dressed in white cannot protect him, so he dies shortly after this encounter. Þórhallr interprets this as a sign of the new faith that will come, and in ÓTm one can then find chapters on the successful Christianisation of Iceland. The contact with the pre-Christian world also provides the topic for Sǫrla þáttr 70 in which Ívarr ljómi is one of the protagonists. Ívarr has already been introduced before as the father of Þorsteinn uxafótr. In Sǫrla þáttr, as in Þorsteins þáttr uxafóts, we find two heathen groups fighting against each other whose wounds are magically healed. 71 In Sǫrla þáttr, only a Christian can end this everlasting battle. Sǫrla þáttr, preserved for the first time in Flateyjarbók, draws on a subject known from Germanic tradition; in Snorra Edda, presumably the source for Sǫrla þáttr, the gods do not intervene, nor is the spell broken by a Christian. 72 As Rowe has pointed out, the subject matter has been adapted in Sǫrla þáttr in such a way that it would fit into ÓTm. 73 This þáttr has been interpolated between two chapters on Óláfr Tryggvason's missionary activities in Norway, and contributes to the presentation of the Christian faith as the superior one. The interpolations linked to Óláfr's men may be few in number but can tell us more about the compositional principles of the Flateyjarbók version of ÓTm. The modifications are all linked to the battle of Svǫlðr. In four þaettir interpolated into the Flateyjarbók-ÓTm -Þorsteins þáttr uxafóts, Sǫrla þáttr, Hrómundar þáttr halta, and Þorsteins þáttr skelks -the king's retainers who fight on Ormrinn langi either are the central characters or participate in the action. At the end of three of these þaettir -Þorsteins þáttr uxafóts, Hrómundar þáttr halta, and Þorsteins þáttr skelks -attention is directed to the protagonists' participation in the battle of Svǫlðr. These references underline the battle's significance and also announce that one will read again about these men in ÓTm. Additionally, Orms þáttr Stórólfssonar, which was interpolated into the transitional passage to Óláfs saga helga, refers back to the battle of Svǫlðr. At the beginning of all of these þaettir, the scribe Jón Þórðarson left space for medium-sized initials which are also used for other chapters he deemed important. 74 By doing so, he made sure that attention would be drawn to them. The þaettir in which Þorsteinn uxafótr, Ívarr ljómi, Hallsteinn, and Þorsteinn skelkr feature significantly contribute to the portrayal of at least some of the men who are with Óláfr at Svǫlðr. These retainers are provided with biographies which, in the case of Ívarr and the two Þorsteinns, are also linked to the change in faith under Óláfr's rule. The Flateyjarbók version includes an interpolation which is based on Oddr Snorrason's saga that additionally 71 In Þorsteins þáttr uxafóts the wounds heal immediately; compare Flb 1860, p. 255. 72 K. Grimstad: Hjaðningavíg. In: Dictionary of the Middle Ages. Vol. 6. Ed. J. R. Strayer. New York 1985, pp. 267-268;E.A. Rowe: Sörla þáttr: The Literary Adaption of Myth and Legend. "Saga-Book" 2002, Vol. 26, pp. 46-47, 55ff. 73 E.A. Rowe: Sörla þáttr…, p. 52. 74 In his part of Flateyjarbók (ÓTm, transitional passage to Óláfs saga helga, and a large part of Óláfs saga helga), Jón Þórðarson left space for the initials, but they were written by Magnús Þórhallsson. In ÓTm, the largest initials can be found at the beginning of the saga (on 5va; 10 lines high and occupying half of the column) and the chapter on Óláfr Tryggvason's birth (on 9va; 9 lines high and almost occupying half of the column); all other initials are smaller. I use "medium-sized" to denote initials stretching over four to six lines; compare handrit.is, https://handrit.is/is/manuscript/view/GKS02-1005 [accessed: 19 th September 2018] and the list of initials in E.A. Rowe: The Development…, pp. 373ff.

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The King and His Retainers. Some Notes on Interpolations… emphasises that Óláfr's retainers are outstanding, capable men: mart var maellt til uarnnadar at aeigi skyllde koma a drekann bleydimenn ne ¹lmỏsur ok ¹ngum uar ueitt skipit nema nokkurr afburdarmadr vaeri sem ¹ll dęmi finnazst til er fra Olafi er sagt ok hans kauppu(m) (It was warned a lot that neither cowards nor weaklings should come aboard, and no one was allowed aboard, unless he was an outstanding man, of which there are examples in what is told of Óláfr and his champions) (lacuna in AM 62 fol.). 75 AM 62 fol. cannot be used for comparison of the modified lists with names in the Flateyjarbók version, yet it is unlikely that Ívarr ljómi and Þorsteinn skelkr would be mentioned there or that one would find "son Hromundar hallta" added after Hallsteinn, because Þorsteins þáttr uxafóts, Sǫrla þáttr, Hrómundar þáttr halta, and Þorsteins þáttr skelks are not included in the relevant passages where AM 62 fol. is intact and can be drawn upon for comparison. Moreover, these þaettir were not included in the younger last part of AM 54 fol. (c. 1600; see above). Therefore, these interpolations must have been added to the Flateyjarbók version.

A Short Comparison with Other Old Norse Compilations
It cannot be established with certainty which models may have inspired the alterations in the Flateyjarbók version. The only thing that can be done is to point to traditions and texts with similar characteristics such as the tales of Charlemagne and his men that can also be found in the Old Norse Karlamagnús saga ok kappa hans (oldest manuscript fragments dating from the end of the 13 th century). According to Lars Lönnroth, this saga could be the model for the 14 th -century compilations on Saint Óláfr and Óláfr Tryggvason. 76 If one draws on Karlamagnús saga for a comparison with significant modifications in the Flateyjarbók version of ÓTm, the focus on a few selected retainers who are linked to the decisive battle is in my opinion an instance where one can see similarities. The importance of the retainers for Charlemagne is even expressed in the saga's title ok kappa hans (and his champions). In several parts of the saga, 12 men are said to belong to Charlemagne's closest circle, but only some of these -such as Rollant -are crucial to the saga's plot and involved 42 Annett Krakow in the battle of Rúnzival, which marks the turning point in the life of Charlemagne. Susanne Kramarz-Bein has pointed out that one can find examples of a critical evaluation of the king's behaviour towards his men in the Old French sources, whereas the main function of the retainers in Karlamagnús saga ok kappa hans is the glorification of the king. 77 In Flateyjarbók, the interpolated narratives in which we get to know more about Óláfr Tryggvason's retainers Þorsteinn uxafótr, Ívarr ljómi, Hallsteinn Hrómundarson, and Þorsteinn skelkr, and the narrative named after Ormr Stórólfsson are called þaettir. 78 Literally, þáttr (plural þaettir) means "strand," i.e. "part of a rope," but the term has been subject to semantic generalisation to "part of any larger entity" and rubrics combining the term þáttr with designation of the subject matter are most frequent in Flateyjarbók. 79 Lindow stresses Flateyjarbók's special status in this regard as "[t]he rubric þáttr is virtually unknown in Morkinskinna […] and rare in other compilations of konungasögur." 80 In research, the term þaettir has been used to refer to "short narratives in Old Norse-Icelandic prose," 81 which not always overlaps with the usage of the term in the manuscripts. A lot of scholarly effort has been dedicated to the question of whether þaettir form a generic category of their own and -if sowhat thematic and structural features they share. 82 Although þaettir are found in kings' sagas, editors and scholars have often treated them as independent narratives. 83 On the other hand, Rowe points out that even medieval audiences may have read such þaettir out of context if the saga they were embedded in was a long one. 84 One can add that a factor contributing to the impression that þaettir could be read without their saga context is that one can find examples

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The King and His Retainers. Some Notes on Interpolations… where the title heroes (or major protagonists) only appear in the þaettir, as is the case with Þiðranda þáttr ok Þórhalls (both redactions) and Norna-Gests þáttr (only in the younger redaction) in ÓTm.
One manuscript that includes numerous shorter narratives is Morkinskinna. Morkinskinna is the name given to GKS 1009 fol. (ca. 1275-1280) as well as to the sagas of Norwegian kings included in this manuscript covering the period from 1030 to 1157. 85 In Morkinskinna, þaettir "are clustered particularly densely" in Magnúss saga góða ok Haralds harðráða. 86 They often tell of an encounter between an Icelander and King Haraldr harðráði, and serve the more complex characterisation of the king, his virtues and flaws. 87 Inspired by this, Stefanie Würth has analysed the characterisation of Óláfr Tryggvason and Óláfr Haraldsson in the main narrative and the þaettir of the respective sagas in Flateyjarbók. 88 Würth analyses all passages rubricated as þaettir in Flateyjarbók, i.e. her corpus also includes passages from other sagas (such as Hallfreðar saga vandraeðaskálds). As for Óláfr Tryggvason, her finding is that there are no discrepancies in his portrayal between the main narrative and the þaettir, that he is mainly shown as an advocate of the Christian faith, and that the relationship of the king to the Icelanders is stressed. 89 Some more observations should be added. Interest in Iceland and Icelanders is not exclusive to the Flateyjarbók version of ÓTm -it is already visible in the older redaction of ÓTm, as the inclusion of the narrative threads about Kjartan and Hallfreðr, and the chapters on the discovery and settlement of the island and the conversion of its inhabitants show. Würth briefly mentions that the Flateyjarbók version of ÓTm includes "Íslendingaþaettir" not preserved in other manuscripts of ÓTm, but this is not pursued any further in her argumentation. 90 The additional emphasis on Icelanders in the Flateyjarbók version is most pronounced in the interpolations that provide Óláfr with Icelanders who fight with him at Svǫlðr. Þorsteinn skelkr has been added to the saga, as has Ormr Stórólfsson in the transitional passage. Very conspicuously, Þorsteinn uxafótr and Hallsteinn are given an Icelandic descent in the þaettir. Whereas one can see a parallel to the þaettir in Morkinskinna in the emphasis on Icelanders, a significant difference is that Óláfr Tryggvason only sometimes participates in the action, which indicates that the encounter of king and Icelander, said to be crucial in Morkinskinna, is of less importance.
Another scholar who explicitly refers to Morkinskinna in her discussion of Flateyjarbók is Rowe, who concentrates on interpolated þaettir in the part of Flateyjarbók that was written by Jón Þórðarson: "What sets Jón's texts apart from the þaettir of Morkinskinna, in addition to the nature of the personal relationship, is their moral dimension […]." 91 According to Rowe, "[t]he double theme of religion and the relationship with Iceland" is of special importance in six þaettir which are only or for the first time preserved Flateyjarbók: Þorleifs þáttr jarlaskálds, Þorsteins þáttr uxafóts, Sǫrla þáttr, Hrómundar þáttr halta, Þorsteins þáttr skelks, and Orms þáttr Stórólfssonar. 92 It should be noted that Rowe also assumes Orms þáttr Stórólfssonar to be part of ÓTm, which is not the case. 93 In five of these six narratives, an Icelander is the main protagonist. She argues that the central element in this relationship between King Óláfr and his men is "cultural paternity," i.e. that a protagonist's natural father is replaced by the king as spiritual father. 94 93 The Flateyjarbók version of ÓTm ends with sources references and a prayer-like passage expressing gratitude for Óláfr's religious zest, the last word being "AMEN" (Flb 1860, p. 518). This was common practice in medieval texts, compare R. McGerr: Medieval Concepts of Literary Closure: Theory and Practice. " Exemplaria" 1989, Vol. 1, pp. 149-179, 162-163. The beginning of the transitional passage to Óláfs saga helga is clearly marked by an initial seven lines high which almost occupies half of the column (on 69rb; compare digitalised images at handrit.is) and in addition, ÓTm is referred to ("sem segir j […]" -as is said in […]); Flb 1860, pp. 518, 520. The text edition of Flateyjarbók gives a misleading impression of the length of ÓTm, maintaining it ends on Flb 1860, p. 583. 94 E.A. Rowe: Cultural Paternity…,pp. 17ff. and E.A. Rowe: The Development…, pp. 78-84.

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The King and His Retainers. Some Notes on Interpolations… Although they resemble in many ways the þaettir already interpolated into Óláfs saga Tryggvasonar en mesta, their function as exempla for King Óláfr requires that they offer a particular picture of the relationship between the Norwegian king and the Icelanders who served him, namely, that the Icelanders loved their king like a father and were ready to die for him. Jón Þórðarson's clerical viewpoint strongly influences the way this relationship is presented. The þaettir he adds […] rewrite the relationship between lord and retainer as a Christian para-familial one in which the Icelandic hirðmenn become the spiritual sons of Óláfr Tryggvason. 95 For Þorsteins þáttr uxafóts such an interpretation can claim justification, but for the other þaettir it is problematic. Rowe does not include Þorleifs þáttr jarlaskálds in her discussion of "cultural paternity"; this narrative tells of an Icelander, but he is not one of Óláfr's men. 96 In Þorsteins þáttr uxafóts and Sǫrla þáttr the Norwegian Ívarr ljómi is presented as one of Óláfr's retainers, but how he entered the king's service is of no relevance in either of them. For the same reason, Hrómundar þáttr halta is not suited to proving that King Óláfr became the spiritual father, because Hallsteinn Hrómundarson's conversion and that he became a retainer are only briefly mentioned at the end of the þáttr. 97 Þorsteinn skelkr is arguably saved by the king. Afterwards, he claims to have hoped for the king's help and is also appointed hirðmaðr, 98 but already in the opening lines of the þáttr we are informed that he has been for some time with the king. As regards Ormr Stórólfsson, Rowe herself notices that he "has no need for Óláfr's spiritual aid." 99 For the reasons given, these six þaettir can only partially serve as an illustration of the spiritual relationship between the king and his men.

Concluding Remarks
The focus on the battle of Svǫlðr most obviously sets the Flateyjarbók version apart from the other manuscripts of ÓTm. In the older redaction, only a few retainers who fight with Óláfr at Svǫlðr have been introduced before. Therefore, most of them just remain names and do not call to mind episodes in which they have played a significant role. In the Flateyjarbók version, this discrepancy between the retainers' participation in the battle and their appearance in other parts of the saga has been levelled out by positioning the interpolated þaettir (Þorsteins þáttr uxafóts, Sǫrla þáttr, Hrómundar þáttr halta, Þorsteins þáttr skelks) in the narrative block preceding the battle, and by interpolating the names in the list of retainers on Óláfr's ship (Eindriði ilbreiðr, Ívarr ljómi, Þorsteinn skelkr, "son Hromundar hallta") as well as the list of retainers who died in the battle (Eindriði ilbreiðr, Ívarr ljómi, Þorsteinn skelkr). As has been indicated in the analysis, the four interpolated þaettir do not exclusively show intersections with Óláfr's last battle, but also with other subjects taken up in ÓTm. Moreover, one interpolated narrative linked to the battle of Svǫlðr (Orms þáttr Stórólfssonar) was placed in the transitional passage to Óláfs saga helga. Taken together, these interpolations contribute to a greater coherence within the saga of Óláfr Tryggvason and to a certain degree also within the manuscript as a whole.